Throw Them All Out ’26

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File No. 071 Judicial

THE COURT'S NIGHT SHIFT: MAJOR RULINGS, NO ARGUMENT, NO SIGNATURE, NO REASONS

The most consequential orders of the year now arrive unsigned, unexplained, and often after midnight — from a docket the Court would rather you called something else.

32 vs 8Emergency applications filed by this administration in 2025 alone, versus Bush and Obama combined across sixteen years

Editorial cartoon of a darkened marble courtroom at night where nine empty chairs face an unlit bench, while a rubber stamp on a long mechanical arm presses an unsigned order onto a document under a single desk lamp.
Argument, briefing and a signature are the ordinary way. This is the express lane, and it is now the main road.

Thirty-two emergency applications in one year. The two previous administrations managed eight in sixteen.

FACT: Most people picture the Supreme Court the way civics class described it: a case is briefed for months, argued in public, and decided in a signed opinion that explains its reasoning so the country — and every lower court — knows what the law now is. That still happens, roughly sixty times a year. It is no longer where the action is.

The other docket goes by several names. The Court prefers “interim.” The Congressional Research Service calls it non-merits matters. Everyone else calls it the shadow docket: applications for emergency relief, decided on compressed timelines with limited briefing, usually no oral argument, and frequently no signed opinion at all.

It was built for genuine emergencies — a stay of execution, a ballot deadline days away. It is now a routine route to national policy. The current administration filed 32 emergency applications in 2025 alone, according to a Brennan Center analysis. For comparison, the Bush and Obama administrations filed eight combined — across sixteen years. That is not a caseload change. That is a strategy.

And the Court has obliged. Of 25 shadow-docket rulings favouring the administration, seven came with no written explanation whatsoever — four of them in immigration enforcement cases affecting thousands of people. No reasoning. No named author. Frequently no recorded vote.

A ruling nobody signed, explaining nothing, binding everyone.

The objection here is not partisan, and the most useful way to see that is to imagine the shoe on the other foot — because it will be, eventually. An unexplained order is a bad instrument regardless of who benefits. It tells lower-court judges nothing about how to decide the next case. It gives the losing side nothing to answer. It cannot be distinguished, narrowed or overruled in the ordinary way, because there is no reasoning to work with. Scholars have warned that summary orders shirk the Court’s basic responsibility to resolve important questions in reasoned opinions, and risk deciding enormous issues on a record assembled in days.

There is also a quieter problem. Emergency relief is supposed to be temporary — a pause while the real case proceeds. But a “temporary” order that lets a policy operate for two years, or blocks one for two years, is not a pause. It is the decision, issued without the process that makes decisions legitimate, and labelled provisional so that nobody has to defend it.

OPINION: A court’s authority rests on one thing: that it explains itself. It commands no army and controls no budget. When it starts issuing consequential orders that no justice signs and no opinion justifies, it is spending the only capital it has — and doing so on the least examined, most rushed work it produces. The remedy is not available at the ballot box directly; you cannot vote for a docket. But the Senate that confirms these justices, and the Congress that could require published votes and reasoned explanations for emergency orders, are both very much on the ballot.

A ruling nobody signed, explaining nothing, binding everyone.

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